- The U.S. House passed two separate pieces of legislation Thursday aimed at reforming key immigration programs and creating pathways to citizenship.
- The first bill, which was approved by a near party-line vote of 228-197, would provide a process for children brought to the U.S. illegally to gain citizenship for higher education, work, or military service.
- Under the second bill, which was passed with a more bipartisan margin of 247-174, farmworkers and their families would be eligible to become American citizens if they meet certain criteria.
- Both bills face an uphill battle in the Senate, as Republicans have indicated Democrats will have to make concessions on key amnesty and customs enforcement issues if they want the overhauls to have any future.
The American Dream and Promise Act
The U.S. House of Representatives approved two bills Thursday that would provide paths to citizenship for millions of undocumented immigrants.
The first bill, called the American Dream and Promise Act, would create a process for immigrants brought to the U.S. illegally as children — known as “Dreamers” — to apply for a 10-year period of conditional permanent residency that would culminate in eventual citizenship.
Under the legislation, recipients of the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program (DACA) and children brought to the U.S. before the age of 18 who are not currently enrolled in the program could apply if they enrolled in college or served in the military for at least two years or worked in the U.S. for three years.
In addition to the estimated 2.5 million individuals who came to the U.S. as children, the act would also cover hundreds of thousands of people under the Temporary Protected Status and Deferred Enforced Departure programs, which extend protections to immigrants fleeing countries experiencing natural disasters or violence.
Despite broad public support for building a path to citizenship for Dreamers, the act passed 228-197, largely along party lines, with just nine Republicans joining Democrats.
The Farm Workforce Modernization Act
By contrast, the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, the second bill passed Thursday, gained more bipartisan support.
The legislation, which would eventually give legal status to nearly a million farmworkers and their families, was approved 247-174, with 30 Republicans — many of whom serve heavily agriculture districts — joining nearly all Democrats.
If passed, the act would create an entirely new program for farmworkers, who often are left out of federal immigration debates.
Among other things, the legislation would allow the workers and their families to obtain legal status if they continue to work in agriculture and pay a $1,000 fee.
The bill would also alter the H-2A temporary agricultural worker visa program to stabilize wage fluctuation, include the dairy industry, and implement a required nation-wide E-Verify program for employers.
The two measures will now be added to the growing pile of bills passed by the House in recent weeks that Democrats say are essential to President Joe Biden’s more progressive agenda items. Republicans, however, have written them off as liberal wishlists.
While Democrats argue the immigration actions will provide essential pathways to hardworking and highly qualified immigrants who are strongly embedded in American society, Republicans condemned both bills as “amnesty” for lawbreakers and accused Democrats of trying to open borders to people who will steal jobs.
Although neither bill deals with border security or customs enforcement, most Republicans used their debate time on Thursday to take aim at the recent surge of migrants at the border. Both pieces of legislation are likely to face similar opposition in the Senate, where talks are already underway.
Senators Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Dick Durbin (D-Il.) have introduced legislation that mirrors the American Dream and Promise Act by aiming to form citizenship mechanisms for child immigrants.
However, earlier this week, Graham signaled that Democrats would need to compromise on a number of Republican demands regarding the amnesty process, including re-instating the Trump-era rule that required children to wait in often dangerous conditions on the Mexican side of the southern border for their court hearings.
Following the passage of the Farm Workforce Modernization Act, Senators Michael Bennet (D-Co.) and Mike Crapo (R-Id.), announced in a statement saying they would be introducing a companion bill in the upper chamber that “appropriately addresses the needs of both the industry and the farmworkers that uphold it.”
Such a bill would likely face similar obstacles as the pathway to citizenship for Dreamers. Still, President Biden has implored lawmakers to quickly implement at least short-term solutions while they consider taking up his much more ambitious U.S. Citizenship Act, which, among other things, would give legal status to nearly all undocumented immigrants in America.
See what others are saying: (The New York Times) (The Washington Post) (NPR)
Trump Mocks Florida Gov. “Ron DeSanctimonious” Ahead of Possible 2024 Bid
The former president may announce a bid to take back the White House on Nov. 14, according to his inner circle.
Trump Concocts His Latest Nickname
From “Little Marco” and “Lyin’ Ted” to “Sleepy Joe” and “Crazy Bernie,” former president Donald Trump’s nicknames for his political opponents have been known for their punchy style, but Republicans found it hard to swallow his latest mouthful for Florida Governor Ron DeSantis.
“We’re winning big, big, big in the Republican Party for the nomination like nobody’s ever seen before,” he said Saturday at a rally in Pennsylvania. “Trump at 71, Ron DeSanctimonious at 10%.”
The former president drew rebuke from some allies and conservative commentators for driving a wedge through the GOP three days before the midterm elections.
“DeSantis is an extremely effective conservative governor who has had real policy wins and real cultural wins,” tweeted The Daily Wire’s Matt Walsh. “Trump isn’t going to be able to take this one down with a dumb nickname. He better have more than that up his sleeve.”
“What an idiot,” wrote Rod Dreher, a senior editor at The American Conservative. “DeSantis is a far more effective leader of the Right than Trump was, if, that is, you expect a leader to get a lot done, rather than just talking about it and owning the libs.”
In April 2021, Trump said he would “certainly” consider making DeSantis his running mate for a potential 2024 presidential bid. But as DeSantis established himself as a credible rival to Trump, their relationship grew colder.
Last September, sources told The Washington Post that Trump had called DeSantis “ungrateful” in conversations with advisors. The former president reportedly had not spoken with the governor in months.
The Party of Trump or DeSantis?
One day after his “DeSanctimonious” jab, Trump took to the stage in Florida to support Sen. Marco Rubio’s (R) reelection campaign but grabbed more attention when he seemed to endorse DeSantis for governor.
“The people of Florida are going to reelect the wonderful, the great friend of mine, Marco Rubio to the United States Senate, and you’re going to reelect Ron DeSantis as your governor of your state,” he said to the cheering crowd.
The brief moment of support was overshadowed, however, by the conspicuous absence of DeSantis himself.
Both men held competing, contemporaneous rallies in the same state hundreds of miles apart, and multiple sources told Politico that DeSantis was not invited to Trump’s event, nor did he ask to attend.
The governor has repeatedly refused to say whether he will make a run for the presidency in 2024, but national polling consistently puts Trump ahead of him among Republicans by a wide margin.
Some recent polls, however, have shown DeSantis to lead the former president in specific states like Florida and New Hampshire.
A survey last month found that 72% of GOP voters believe DeSantis should have a great or good deal of influence in the future direction of the party, while just 64% said the same about Trump.
Sources told Axios that Trump’s inner circle is discussing a Nov. 14 announcement for his presidential campaign, timing it to capitalize on the expected post-midterm euphoria as vote counts roll in.
See what others are saying: (The New York Times) (Fox News) (Politico)
The Midterms Are Tomorrow, But We May Not Have Results for a While. Here’s What You Need to Know
The counting of mail-in ballots and possible legal challenges will almost certainly slow the final results.
Election Delays Expected
As Americans gear up for Election Day on Nov. 8, experts are warning that many races, including some of the most highly anticipated ones, may not have the final results in for days or even weeks.
These delays are completely normal and do not indicate that election fraud or issues with vote counting took place. However, like in 2020, former President Donald Trump and other election-denying Republicans could seize on the slow-coming returns to promote false claims to that effect.
There are a number of very legitimate reasons why it could take some time before the final results are solidified. Each state has different rules for carrying out the election process, like when polls close and when ballots can start being counted.
There are also varying rules for when mail-in ballots can be received and counted that can extend when those votes will be tallied. That lag could seriously skew early results in many places because there has been a major rise in the number of people voting by mail.
Red Mirage, Blue Mirage
One very important thing to note is that the early returns seen on election night may not be representative of the final outcomes.
In 2020, there was a lot of talk about a “red mirage,” which is when ballots cast on election day and favoring Republicans are reported first while mail-in ballots used more by Democrats are counted later, creating the appearance that Republicans have a much wider lead.
That phenomenon may very well take place in several key battlegrounds that not only could decide the House and the Senate but also have incredibly consequential state-wide elections of their own.
For example, in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, election officials cannot start counting mail-in and absentee ballots until Election Day.
Some experts have also speculated that a similar occurrence could occur in Georiga because the suburbs — which have shifted blue in recent years — report their results later than rural counties.
At the same time, there are also some states where the opposite might happen: a blue mirage that makes it seem like Democrats are doing better than they actually are.
Such a scenario is possible in Arizona, where election officials can process mail-in ballots as soon as they receive them, and where a similar trend played out in 2020.
Other Possible Slow-Downs
Beyond all that, there are a number of other factors that could delay when results are finalized.
For example, in Georgia, candidates need to get at least 50% of the vote to win, and if none do, then the top two are sent to a run-off election on Dec. 6. That is a very real possibility for the state’s closely-watched Senate race because there is a libertarian on the ballot who could siphon enough votes from Republican Herschel Walker and Democratic Sen. Raphael Warnock to keep them both below the 50% threshold.
In other words: if control of the Senate comes down to Georgia again — as it did in 2020 and which is a very real possibility — voters may not know the outcome until a month after the election.
Meanwhile, experts also say that legal battles over mail-in ballots could further delay results, or even go to the Supreme Court. According to The New York Times, before Election Day, over 100 lawsuits had already been filed.
In Pennsylvania, for example, the State Supreme Court ruled last week in favor of a lawsuit from Republican groups requesting that mail-in ballots that did not have dates on outer envelopes be invalidated, causing thousands of ballots to be set aside. Multiple rights groups are now suing to get that decision reversed.
DHS Confirms Paul Pelosi Attacker is a Canadian National in the U.S. Illegally
The suspect espoused many political conspiracy theories promoted by the American far-right and told investigators he wished to harm House Speaker Nancy Pelosi to send a message to other U.S. politicians.
Pelosi Attacker’s Immigration Issues
The man accused of attacking Paul Pelosi and trying to kidnap House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Ca.) is a Canadian national currently residing in the United States illegally, according to a statement from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) late Wednesday.
Law enforcement officials say the suspect embraced far-right conspiracies about U.S. politicians and told investigators he wanted to break the House Speaker’s kneecaps as a lesson to other members of Congress.
Despite his lack of citizenship, the man also allegedly told police he was on a “suicide mission” and had a list of state and federal lawmakers he wanted to target.
In its statement to the media, DHS said that Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) had lodged a “detainer” on the suspect, which is a notice the agency intends to take custody of an individual who could be deported and requests it be notified before that person is released. The detainer, however, likely will not impact the case against him, because deportations are civil proceedings that happen after criminal cases are resolved.
According to several reports, federal records indicate the suspect came to the U.S. legally via Mexico in March 2008. Canadians who travel to America for business or pleasure are usually able to stay in the country for six months without a visa. DHS told The Washington Post the Canadian citizen was admitted as a “temporary visitor” traveling for pleasure.
Before the confirmation from DHS, there was some mixed reporting on how long the suspected attacker has been in America. On Monday, an anonymous U.S. official told the Associated Press the man had legally entered in 2000 but stayed way after his visa expired.
One day later, The New York Times reported he was registered to vote in San Francisco County from 2002 to 2009, and even voted once in 2002.
Heightened Security Concerns
The new revelation comes as lawmakers are facing increased threats, prompting conversations about safety and security with a specific focus on the role of the U.S. Capitol Police (USCP).
On Tuesday, multiple outlets reported that USCP security cameras trained on the Pelosi’s house actually captured the attack, but no one was watching. In a statement Wednesday, the agency said its command center has access to around 1,800 cameras and not all are watched constantly.
The Capitol Police also said that the Pelosi’s home is “actively” monitored “around the clock” when the Speaker is there, but not when she is in Washington.
As a result, many argued that there should be more security and surveillance for the second person in line for the presidency — especially given the threat of violence after the Jan. 6 insurrection and warnings from law enforcement ahead of the midterms.
That was echoed in a scathing letter yesterday sent to Capitol Police by Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-Ca.), who is one of the most senior Democrats in Congress and heads the Administration Committee.
In her letter, Lofgren noted that the agency “has previously reported to the committee that the speaker receives the most threats of any member of Congress,” and asked why that protection was not extended “to the spouses and/or other family members of the congressional leaders in the presidential line of succession.”
She questioned why the USCP had turned down an offer from the FBI for some of its officers to be part of terrorism task forces investigating threats against Congressmembers and why it had not made a formal agreement with San Francisco police for a car to be posted at the Pelosi’s home 24-hours a day as had been done in the months after Jan. 6.
Lofgren also inquired why the Capitol Police did not direct more threats against lawmakers for prosecution. She noted that members of Congress received at least 9,625 threats in 2021, but just 217 were referred.
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